The king is hereditary. The prime minister is appointed directly by the king. The Shura Council has 40 members who are appointed by the monarch.
The civil law courts deal with all commercial, civil, and criminal cases in addition to disputes related to the personal status of "non-Muslims. The national assembly passes legislation which must be passed by a majority in both houses of the national assembly, and must be ratified by the king.
The council of representatives has 40 members who are elected by absolute majority vote in single-member constituencies. Gave both legislative houses equal power after an initial promise that the upper house would be strictly advisory. In order to manage your Profile, you will be automatically signed out from the eKey system to protect and secure your personal information. Ok Close. Subscribe with us. To unsubscribe send "unsubscribe". Subscribe Close. Forgot Password? Don't have an account?
Register now! Clear Submit. Complementary Content. His royal trajectory certainly contrasts with the heir apparent, Salman bin Hamad, both in his comfort with military rather than technocratic milieus, as well as his reception in Shia communities where the crown prince has often been the primary royal intermediary while Nasser bin Hamad has built a reputation as a hard-liner. On security issues, then, this places him more in line with the third wing of influential Bahraini royals, the Khawalid.
While the sons of Hamad appear to have the upper hand in the longstanding rivalry with the prime minister, both camps have ceded substantial governmental territory and influence to a third faction within the ruling family.
The Khawalid — descendants of Khaled, the brother of the turn of the century emir, Isa bin Ali al-Khalifa — have become important power brokers within the security apparatus and royal court. Led by Commander in Chief of the Bahrain Defense Force Khalifa bin Ahmed and his brother, Khaled bin Ahmed, who serves as royal court minister, the Khawalid have consistently championed a position suspicious of Shia empowerment within the kingdom.
Their influence has grown in the wake of the uprising and crackdown and with the elevation of security concerns focused on Iran. As royal circles jostle for influence, this partitioning of roles is likely to continue into the next generation.
As the Gulf Arab states have asserted themselves as active shapers of regional security, their military experience, supplier diversification efforts, and domestic industry developments — in tandem with their traditional financial clout — have gained them greater leverage over European security partners. The United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia are making a serious effort to collaborate with Iraq, but these energy projects still have a long way to go to reach fruition.
Through its careful examination of the forces shaping the evolution of Gulf societies and the new generation of emerging leaders, AGSIW facilitates a richer understanding of the role the countries in this key geostrategic region can be expected to play in the 21st century.
Skip to content Bahrain bears a distinction no other Gulf country can claim. The Rivalry between the Prime Minister and Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad became heir apparent when his father assumed the throne in
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